1. Reality
I want to describe phenomenologically how Germany has moved away from its Basic Law. An evaluation of this behavior should be left to committed jurists.
I have already described my experiences in 1985, where adults who had struggled all their lives suddenly learned to read because I offered them an individual approach. GraTeach was a ten-year struggle—here, analogous to my experience, it was about creating an atmosphere for academics in which everyone was motivated to contribute optimally with their individual skills. First, I had to convince the participants that it was not about frontal teaching where they sought recognition through grades. But who should moderate such „instruction“? Ultimately, former participants whom I had trained as instructors did this best. Then it was the good reputation of GraTeach among employers that led them to hire participants, so that in increasingly shorter cycles, participants could be placed in well-paid jobs.
I cannot blame the emerging digital autocracy solely on the gatekeepers. They have exploited freedoms offered by a public sector that increasingly fails to fulfill its control mandate in the interest of the people. The structures created over the past decades put every public servant under pressure to constantly justify and cover themselves. The result is a set of rules that could not be further removed from individual needs. Schools reflect government action. So it does not surprise me that, more than 40 years after our pedagogical insights, the same demands, such as „thinking from the learner’s perspective,“ are still being sold as new. As long as teachers are part of a control chain, nothing will change.
Accordingly, GraTeach was systemically relevant. Without attacking the school system up to the university level, I created spaces for individual development for participants before they entered the workforce. Academics from all fields came together to contribute their knowledge individually to digital projects. Everyone was important and could contribute something to the projects from day one. In 2000, there were efforts to turn GraTeach into a university. It would have been better, however, if there had been the possibility to this day to receive maintenance payments after completing a degree or master craftsman’s diploma, in order to work on systemically relevant projects for between two and 24 months, as with GraTeach. Currently, students must decide on a course of study about which they know little and can only guess whether it suits them. This often leads to career breaks that cost taxpayers dearly in the form of unemployment benefits. The maintenance payments could be repaid on the condition that the recipients reach a certain career/salary level, making the measures largely cost-neutral if optimally implemented.
In a constitutional environment, GraTeach would have been an economically healthy company. In this context, the statement by the State Chancellery in 2000 that the „economic situation of GraTeach GmbH is not stable in the long term“ must be evaluated. It should be investigated to what extent the state of North Rhine-Westphalia had already created an environment at that time in which the generally recognized project was doomed to fail.
Looking at the many individual measures taken against GraTeach, a pattern of organized action emerges. This term does not judge whether the individual cases involved incompetence, political pressure, or intent. Such an evaluation would have to be made by an initiative aimed at preserving the constitution or European sovereignty.
If even one of the following ultimately anti-social measures had not been taken, GraTeach would not have gone bankrupt:
- The state should have paid for the work carried out by GraTeach, such as the „Active Labor Market Policy of the State of NRW.“ We were rightly reprimanded by the BBDO advertising agency for distorting competition.
- For arbitrary new qualification measures in the multimedia sector, an hourly rate of 13.30 DM was granted, even though these measures did not have GraTeach’s sophisticated core technology.
- GraTeach was penalized for its high job placement rate. Only the hours attended by participants were paid at an hourly rate of 9.90 DM. The effort to find new suitable participants to fill these gaps was not remunerated.
- Contrary to the public statement at the regional conference on February 20, 2001, GraTeach was not released from a rental contract earmarked for vocational training. The infrastructure cabling worth 100,000 euros, contributed by GraTeach, was not compensated.
- Ms. Kristina Wolff, along with other participants, filed a criminal complaint with the Duisburg police (she lost a damages dispute in this matter, case no. 70 C 483/04). In this context, the reputation of GraTeach GmbH was significantly damaged by an article. Only IBusiness reported on it and was displayed at the top of search engines for many years when searching for my name or that of the management.
- The insolvency administrator should have, as recommended by the NRW Economic Development Agency, Office for Endangered Companies NRW, paid out the maintenance allowances on the account and returned the GmbH after a „one-day insolvency.“
The state of NRW had at least the opportunity to influence five of the six points.
2. Development Without Obstruction
If GraTeach had received the necessary support, it would be a European lighthouse project for digital education and participatory leadership today. The idea of attracting graduates after their studies or master craftsman’s diploma with maintenance payments for systemically relevant projects would be standard. Unemployment would have decreased, career breaks would have been avoided, and the digital transformation would have gained momentum through holistically thinking managers. The repayment of maintenance payments upon reaching certain salary levels would have made the model even cost-neutral.
GraTeach would have served as a model for a „democracy from the citizen up“ and would have helped shape the European Digital Union (EU-D-S). GISAD would have been planned as early as 2003 and would today be a central authority for independent expert opinions on societal structural relevance. Instead of today’s dependence on gatekeepers, there would be a European data infrastructure that combines citizens‘ rights and innovation.
3. View from the Future (2026)
If the EU-D-S had been realized as early as 2004, the world would look different today:
- GraTeach as a European lighthouse project: With EU-D-S, GraTeach could have been scaled as part of a European Digital Union. GISAD would today be a central authority for independent expert opinions on societal structural relevance.
- Legal Sovereignty: Instead of today’s dependence on gatekeepers, there would be a European data infrastructure that combines citizens‘ rights and innovation.
- WAN Anonymity (from 2015): Data protection and digital self-determination would have been integrated into European platforms from the start—rather than as subsequent regulation.
- getmysense (2002): Instead of centralized social media, there would be decentralized European platforms.
- GISAD: I would have founded GISAD long ago to create expert opinions on societal structural relevance—if the RVR had paid its license bill—without losing my independence through third-party funds!
4. The GAP (2001)
Scaling in itself is not a bad thing, as long as it does not only strengthen the power of a few. I assess the GAP from today’s perspective. Ideally, in a slightly adapted concept, most graduates would have gone to other qualifiers in Europe to accompany the transfer of pre-digital achievements into the digital society with comparable concepts. It can be assumed that these exploratory phases at the start of a career—or even without age limits for career changes—would have become standard. Unemployment would have been significantly reduced, and those involved in digitization would have been much more satisfied and thus more productive.
In the coming years, I will use 2 percent more of Germany’s unemployment costs as a basis for the GAP. The assumed damage already includes the expansion of the entire concept to all EU countries. It is not about scientific proof but about developing a sense of the costs incurred because we did not proactively shape our digital future.
Politics reacts when it is put under pressure and usually acts correctly at the last moment. The problem with this concept is that it takes years to be recognized by all sides and must be introduced at exactly the right time. For the digital breakthrough, that year was 2001.
Even if a lot of money were invested today in such integration measures in the labor market, the same efficiency would not be achieved. Failure is not even ruled out if one tries to enforce changed learning/teaching behavior in a short time and under pressure.
Every company justifies itself through its key figures. Accordingly, one can also expect the EU and Germany to disclose their annual unemployment costs. Without easily accessible statistics, I rely on AI. I assume the following values:
- Direct expenditures for unemployment benefits and labor market policy: 45.3 billion euros (Source: Federal Employment Agency, 2001).
- Total economic costs (including lost tax revenues): 80–100 billion euros (Source: IAB, 2001).
- Average annual costs of unemployment in the EU: 200 billion euros (including direct expenditures for unemployment benefits, administration, and lost tax revenues). Source: European Commission, IAB, OECD.
Assuming that the costs of unemployment in the EU increase rather than decrease each year, the GAP grows in a simplified calculation in the area of unemployment costs from 2002 by 1 percent of the EU estimate, i.e., 2 billion euros.
For 2001, the GAP from 2000 in the amount of 133 billion euros is adopted.



